Affirmative Advocacy: Race, Class, and Gender in Interest by Dara Z. Strolovitch

By Dara Z. Strolovitch

The usa boasts rankings of firms that supply the most important illustration for teams which are marginalized in nationwide politics, from ladies to racial minorities to the negative. right here, within the first systematic research of those corporations, Dara Z. Strolovitch explores the demanding situations and possibilities they face within the new millennium, as waning criminal discrimination coincides with expanding political and monetary inequalities within the populations they symbolize. Drawing on wealthy new info from a survey of 286 corporations and interviews with 40 officers, Strolovitch unearths that groups too frequently prioritize the pursuits in their such a lot advantaged individuals: male instead of woman racial minorities, for instance, or prosperous instead of terrible ladies. yet Strolovitch additionally unearths that many corporations attempt to therapy this inequity, and she or he concludes by means of distilling their most sensible practices right into a set of rules that she calls affirmative advocacy—a kind of illustration that goals to beat the entrenched yet frequently sophisticated biases opposed to humans on the intersection of multiple marginalized team. Intelligently combining political thought with refined empirical tools, Affirmative Advocacy may be required studying for college students and students of yankee politics.

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Extra resources for Affirmative Advocacy: Race, Class, and Gender in Interest Group Politics

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Cohen 1999). POLICY TYPOLOGY Each of the six approaches that I have outlined above bodes ill for intersectionally marginalized groups, and together they provide many reasons to suspect that the single-axis interest groups that predominate at the national level are ill equipped to represent intersectionally marginalized subgroups of their constituents. Much of the scholarship supporting these suspicions, however, is either theoretical (Crenshaw 1989; Williams 1998; Young 1997, 2000; see also Carter, Sellers, and Squires 2002; Hancock 2007), based on ungeneralizable case studies (Cohen 1999; Kurtz 2002; Weaver 2000; L.

STUDYING REPRESENTATION Although theories of intersectionality have elicited extensive interest in the social sciences and humanities, there have been fewer large-scale and systematic efforts to assess these theories empirically (for some exceptions, however, see Fraga et al. 2005; Hawkesworth 2003; and Smooth 2001). As Hancock points out, most quantitative analyses that have taken an intersectional approach have done so using surveys and other instruments that were intended for other purposes and therefore were not designed to capture the overlapping and intersecting categories suggested by intersectional frameworks (Hancock 2007, 66–67; see also McCall 2005).

If we treat this concentration purely as a function of gender discrimination, we ignore its racial, ethnic, and class determinants. Conversely, if we treat the concentration as a function solely of racial discrimination, without acknowledging its disparate impact on 26 · chapter two men and women, we obscure the gendered nature of racial discrimination and class structures. Either possibility leads to a piecemeal and therefore incomplete understanding of, and incomplete solutions to, the many vulnerabilities that conspire together to create and reinforce one another through these labor force inequities that concentrate some women, but not all women, in jobs such as these.

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